The shot came from no more than fifteen paces off, and the ball whistled past Christopher Gist and young Major George Washington before burying itself harmlessly in the frozen woods. The Indian guide who had been leading them through the Pennsylvania wilderness had suddenly wheeled, raised his gun, and fired. Washington, then twenty-two years old and on his first expedition to the western frontier of the British colonies, did not reach for his own weapon. He would not allow Gist to kill the man either.
The guide was disarmed, kept under guard until nine o’clock that night, and then let go. Washington and Gist walked the rest of the night without stopping, putting as much distance as they could between themselves and the man who had just tried to murder them. The two men had come far. In the autumn of 1753, Governor Robert Dinwiddie of Virginia had been receiving alarming reports from the Ohio country.
French traders and soldiers were stopping English traders on the western rivers, warning them off the soil, and when warnings proved ineffective, seizing them and sending them captive to Canada. The French were busy erecting a continuous chain of forts from the Great Lakes down toward Louisiana, plainly intending to hold the vast country they openly claimed as their own. Nearly all the English settlements still lay east of the Allegheny Mountains, yet the colony of Virginia claimed everything in the Ohio River Valley, land that today makes up Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Illinois. Dinwiddie, an official of great energy and determination, was not merely startled but indignant.
He resolved to find out precisely what the French were doing and what they intended. He chose George Washington for the task, a young surveyor of excellent reputation for judgment and bravery, hardened by frontier hardships and instructed in woodcraft. Washington was to proceed into the distant wilds, deliver a letter to the French commandant, ascertain their strength in the Ohio country, the number and location of their forts, and their claims and intentions. The zealous major set out promptly on the very day he received his commission and arrived at Wills Creek on November 14th, 1753.
There he engaged horses and servants, selected Jacob Van Braam as his French interpreter, and took on Christopher Gist as his guide, a man better acquainted with the western wilderness than any colonist of that day. Turning into an old Indian trail, Washington commenced his toilsome way. At Turtle Creek, near the very point where scarce two years later he would engage the French and Indian army in the disastrous battle of Braddock’s Field, the waters proved quite impassable without swimming the horses. Washington obtained the loan of a canoe from Fraser, an Indian trader who had lately been driven away from Venango by the French, and whose humble log cabin on the banks of the Monongahela stood as the ultimate outpost of English frontier advance.
He sent Barnaby Currin and Henry Stewart down the Monongahela with the baggage to meet him at the forks of the Ohio, about ten miles below, where they were to cross the Allegheny. Arriving before the canoe did, Washington spent some time viewing the rivers and the land at the fork, and he recorded his observations in the journal he kept throughout the expedition. “I think extremely well situated for a fort, as it has the absolute command of both rivers,” he wrote. The land at the point rose twenty-five feet above the common surface of the water, with a considerable bottom of flats and well-timbered land all around it, very convenient for building.
The rivers were each a quarter of a mile or more across and ran here very nearly at right angles. About two miles from this spot, on the southeast side of the Ohio at the place where the Ohio Company intended to erect a fort, lived Shingiss, king of the Delawares. Washington called upon him to invite him to a council at Logstown, and Shingiss attended them there. Logstown was an Indian town on the Ohio about twenty miles below the forks, and the party arrived between sunsetting and dark, the twenty-fifth day after leaving Williamsburg.
Washington went immediately to Monacatoocha, a chief afterwards famous under the name of Scarouyady, who would later serve as chief guide on Braddock’s expedition and who was noted for his loyalty and repeated services to the English. Through John Davidson, his Indian interpreter, Washington informed him that he was sent as a messenger to the French general and was ordered to call upon the sachems of the Six Nations to acquaint them with it. He gave Monacatoocha a string of wampum and a twist of tobacco and desired him to send for Tanacharison, the Half King, who was absent at his hunting cabin on Little Beaver Creek. Monacatoocha promised to send a runner early the next morning, and also to summon the other sachems.
About three o’clock in the afternoon, the Half King came to town. Washington went up and invited him privately to his tent, desiring him to relate some of the particulars of his late journey to the French commandant and to give an account of the ways and the distance. The Half King told him that the nearest and levelest way was now impassable by reason of many large miry savannas, and that they would be obliged to go by Venango and should not reach the fort in less than five or six days of good traveling. He then recounted his own reception by the French commander, who had received him very sternly and abruptly asked his business.
The Half King had made a strong protest against the French occupying their lands and building forts, warned them off the whole territory, and menaced them with a rod to drive them away. The French commandant answered very haughtily that he was not afraid of flies or mosquitoes, and that down that river, the Allegheny, he was sure to go, and that if the river was blocked up he had an abundance of force to burst it open. He told the Half King he talked foolishly to call the land Indian land, since the French had seen it first. He also informed the Half King that the French had built two forts, one at Presque Isle on Lake Erie, where Erie, Pennsylvania now stands, and another on French Creek, where Waterford now stands.
After a few days of ceremonious delays, Washington set out for the French fort at Venango, situated on the Allegheny at the mouth of French Creek. He traveled in company with the Half King, Jeskakake, an old and prominent chief, White Thunder, and the Hunter, a warrior who would afterwards become celebrated under the name of Guyasuta and fight the bloody battle of Bushy Run against Colonel Bouquet. After much fatiguing travel, they arrived at Venango on December 4th, 1753, and found the French colors hoisted on the very house from which Fraser had been ejected. One of the three officers there, Captain John Care, was famed for his influence among the Indians and his skillful, politic manner of first winning and then managing them.
He received Washington very politely but told him he would have to travel further to the forts on French Creek, where a superior officer commanded. Later in the day the French officers drank copiously, and drink unloosed their tongues. They talked freely of French designs, asserting boldly that it was their absolute design to take possession of the Ohio, and by God they would do it, for although they knew the English could raise two men for their one, their motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any French undertaking. They claimed the whole country watered by the Mississippi and its tributaries and were determined to occupy it all the very next spring, thus preventing the English from settling on the Ohio.
By skillful pumping, Washington further discovered that there were about seven hundred French west of Lake Ontario, scattered among a number of newly erected forts. The French now privately coaxed Washington’s Indian escort among them and plied them so liberally with liquor that, notwithstanding all his warnings, they became quite drunk. The Half King, however, remained firm and constant. The next day he offered John Care a belt, which that wily and politic officer refused to receive, and warned the French off the Indian soil.
Every stratagem was used to prevent the chiefs from going on with Washington, but in vain. They finally set off for the French Creek forts, which, on account of excessive rains, snows, and frequent swamps, they did not reach until December 11th. The commander there was an elderly, soldierly gentleman, a knight of the Order of St. Louis, named Legardeur de St.
Pierre. He received Washington very courteously, read Dinwiddie’s letter, and retired with his brother officers to consult on what answer should be sent. Meanwhile Washington used his eyes busily, jotting down the minutest particulars. He found fifty birch and one hundred and seventy-five pine canoes drawn up along the beach, a startling confirmation of John Care’s boast that a fort was to be built as soon as spring opened at the forks of the Ohio.
The one-eyed knight of St. Louis had also boldly laid claim to all the territory as far east as the Allegheny Mountains. With the important news he had gathered, Washington hastened down the creek by canoe, reaching John Care’s post again on December 22nd. There the horses were found so weak and the baggage so heavy that they were given up.
After traveling with them for three days, Washington and Gist, guns in hand and packs on back, started through the woods on foot, piloted by a bad and treacherous Indian guide. The very next day a party of French Indians lay in wait for them, and one of them fired at Gist or Washington from not fifteen steps off, but fortunately missed. They took the fellow into custody and kept him until about nine o’clock at night, then let him go and walked all the remaining part of the night without stopping. They continued traveling the next day until quite dark and got to the Allegheny about two miles from Shanapins.
They expected to have found the river frozen, but it was not, only about fifty yards from each shore. The ice, Washington supposed, had broken up above, for it was driving in vast quantities. There was no way of getting over but on a raft, which they set about building with but one poor hatchet, finishing just after sunsetting. This was a whole day’s work.
They launched it and set off, but before they were half over, they were jammed in the ice in such a manner that they expected every moment their raft would sink and they would perish. Washington put out his setting pole to try and stop the raft so the ice might pass by, when the rapidity of the stream threw it with so much violence against the pole that it jerked him out into ten feet of water. He fortunately saved himself by catching hold of one of the raft logs. Notwithstanding all their efforts, they could not get to either shore but, being near an island, were obliged to quit the raft and make for it.
The cold was so extremely severe that Gist had all his fingers and some of his toes frozen, and the water shut up so hard that they found no difficulty in getting off the island on the ice in the morning. They went to Fraser’s. As they intended to take horses there and it required some time to find them, Washington went up about three miles to the mouth of the Youghiogheny to visit Queen Allaquippa, who had expressed great concern that they passed her in going to the forks. He made her a present of a matchcoat and a bottle of rum, which latter was thought much the better present of the two.
The island Washington had stayed on was Wainwright’s Island, now almost completely destroyed, but which lay near Hare’s and is about three miles above the Ohio forks. The former island lay near the eastern bank, and that branch of the river might well freeze over in a night, but the wide channel between Hare’s Island and Shanopin’s could scarcely so easily freeze over. Gist also kept a journal of the expedition, and his account of the attempt at murder by the Indian guide is so creditable to Washington’s humane heart that it deserves to be quoted at length. “We rose early in the morning and set out at about two o’clock and got to Murdering Town on the southeast fork of Beaver Creek,” Gist wrote.
“Here we met an Indian whom I thought I had seen at John Care’s. This fellow called me by my Indian name and pretended to be glad to see me. I thought very ill of the fellow, but did not care to let the major know I mistrusted him. But he soon mistrusted him as much as I did.
The Indian said he could hear a gun from his cabin and steered us more northwardly. We grew uneasy and then he said two whoops might be heard from his cabin. We went two miles further. Then Major Washington said he would stay at the next water and we desired the Indian to stop at the next water.
We came to water, then we came to a clear meadow. It was very light and snow was on the grounds. The Indian made us stop. The major saw him point his gun toward us and he fired.
Said Major Washington, are you shot? No, said I. Upon which the Indian ran forward to a big standing white oak and began loading his gun. But we were soon with him.
I would have killed him, but Major Washington would not suffer me. We let him charge his gun. We found he put in ball. Then we took care of him.
Either the major or I always stood by the guns. We made him make a fire for us by a little run as if we intended to sleep there. I said to Major Washington, as you will not have him killed, we must get him away. And then we must travel all night.
Upon which I said to the Indian, I suppose you were lost and fired your gun. He said he knew the way to his cabin and it was but a little way. And here is a cake of bread for you and you must give us meal for it in the morning. He was glad to get away.
I followed him and listened until he was fairly out of the way. And then we went about half a mile when we made a fire, set our compass, fixed our course and traveled all night. In the morning we were at the head of Piney Creek. ”
All doubts as to French claims and intentions were now removed.
In order to arouse the colonies and Britain, Governor Dinwiddie had Washington’s journal published far and wide and reprinted in England, where it led to immediate and important action, being the first positive intelligence of the views and designs of the French. It was the earliest mention made of the forks of the Ohio, called Deonondaga by the Indians, and afterwards the famous site of French Fort Duquesne, then of British Fort Pitt, and now of the vast and opulent city of Pittsburgh. Dinwiddie took instant steps to send troops to the Ohio forks, at the time supposed by him to belong to his province. One company under Captain Trent was soon ready, and early in April Ensign Ward reached the forks and commenced work on a rude fortification.
They had made but little progress, however, before a French and Indian force of a thousand men with eighteen cannons suddenly appeared on the Allegheny in sixty bateaux and three hundred canoes. An immediate summons to surrender their works was made on Ward by Contrecoeur. Tanacharison, the Half King, who was present with Ward, shrewdly urged him to reply that he had no authority to surrender but would send for orders, hoping to gain time. The French leader would not listen.
He gave one hour to retire, and Ward was compelled to do so. The French then landed and built a fort there, first giving it the name of the Assumption of the Holy Virgin, afterwards changing it to Fort Duquesne in honor of the Marquis Duquesne, the French governor of Canada. This little affair has always been considered the commencement of that long and memorable Seven Years War. Washington immediately sent expresses to the governors of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, acquainting them with the forced surrender of Ward’s company and the erection of a fort on what was then clearly considered part of Virginia.
He himself proceeded as soon as he could gather his force at the head of three companies to the Monongahela at the point now occupied by Brownsville, Pennsylvania. He soon received a message from his old friend Tanacharison, the Half King, that the French from Fort Duquesne were marching against him. The next day Colonel Gist, who had formed a frontier settlement near where Uniontown, Pennsylvania now stands, joined him with news that a French force of fifty men had been at that place the day before. Close on the heels of these tidings arrived another message from the Half King, then encamped with his warriors some six miles distant, with information that the French had encamped near him and urging Washington to strike them.
Washington immediately started with forty men to join his faithful ally. The night was pitch dark, the rain fell in torrents, the woods were pathless and tangled with undergrowth, and soldiers often lost their way groping through the matted bushes and clambering over logs and rocks. At length they arrived at the Indian camp just before sunrise on May 28th, 1754. A council with the Half King was held at once, and a joint attack on the French was resolved upon.
Two Indian spies discovered the enemy’s position in an obscure place surrounded by rocks and about half a mile from the main trail. Washington was to advance on the right, the Half King on the left. They all stealthily approached in a single file until discovered by the French, who flew to arms. The action commenced with sharp firing on both sides, but in a very brief time the French succumbed with the loss of Monsieur Jumonville, their commandant, and ten of his men.
Twenty-two were taken prisoner and sent off to Dinwiddie. This was the very first baptism of blood received by Washington, and the affair was afterwards misrepresented greatly to his injury. It was also the first overt act in a long war which had not yet been declared, but which for many years after deluged all of Europe in blood. The news stirred up a tremendous hubbub, not only in the American colonies but in England and France.
War had not yet generally been declared, and it was the policy of each government to throw the blame of commencing hostilities on the other party. It was officially charged by France that Jumonville was leading an embassy of peace, and that while conveying a civil summons to Washington, asserting French claims to all the country watered by the Ohio and its tributaries and requesting the English forces to retire, he was waylaid and assassinated. Unfortunately, some color was given to this charge against Washington afterwards in the articles of capitulation at Fort Necessity, when the word assassination instead of killing was, through the stupid blundering of Van Braam the interpreter, allowed to stand, making it appear as if Washington confessed to the base charge. The whole affair has been carefully examined and discussed by English and American historians, and the result was a complete and triumphant vindication of Washington.
Among the prisoners taken by Washington was a Mr. La Force, known throughout the whole western country as an uncommonly bold and enterprising leader of great subtlety, exercising a potent sway among the Indians. Knowing that the news of the successful assault upon Jumonville would draw on him an attack in overwhelming force from Fort Duquesne, Washington set his troops at once to preparing an entrenched work at the Great Meadows, which he named Fort Necessity. The Half King, Queen Allaquippa, and their friendly Indians began to flock in, and Captain Mackay with a South Carolina company joined him most opportunely.
Shortly after, a company of nine deserters from Fort Duquesne arrived with startling tidings that the French, by their artful wiles and bountiful presents, had induced the warlike tribes of the Delawares and Shawnees to dig up the hatchet against the English, and would soon appear in force. Friendly Indians then brought news that the French at the Forks had been heavily reinforced from Canada and were preparing to march against him. Washington resolved to abide the issue at Fort Necessity, situated near Laurel Hill and about fifty miles west of Cumberland, Maryland. Trees were felled, breastworks were strengthened, and all was put in the best possible state of defense.
On July 3rd, 1754, the enemy put in an appearance. Washington had drawn up his men on the flat outside the trenches, but finding the foe in superior force and that they refused an open encounter but were using all their arts to circumvent him, he retired his men and gave them permission to fire at discretion. A brisk fire was maintained all day by an enemy that never dared to emerge from the sheltering cover of the woods. An untimely rain filled the trenches with water, provisions and ammunition were exhausted, and many of the miserable, worthless arms of the soldiers were out of order.
When a very civil summons for a parley came from the French leader, Monsieur de Villiers, a brother of Jumonville, Washington was ready to negotiate. The result was a capitulation under very favorable terms. The whole garrison was allowed to retire to the east, taking all their effects with them except their artillery, and to march out of the fort with the honors of war, drums beating and colors flying. Washington agreed on his part to restore the prisoners taken at the late skirmish with Jumonville, and as surety for this article, Captain Van Braam and Major Robert Stobo were delivered to the French as hostages.
It was moreover agreed that the English should not attempt to build any more establishments west of the mountains for the space of one year. Washington marched forth the next day, but had gone but a short distance when a large body of hostile French and Indians surrounded them and could hardly be restrained from an attack. They pilfered the baggage and did other mischief. Washington finally, after being compelled to leave much baggage behind, reached Wills Creek in safety.
Much satisfaction prevailed in the colonies where the terms of the capitulation were published, and the war spirit against these overt acts of the French was rising to fever heats. In truth, Washington had been grossly deceived by the interpreter Van Braam, either through his ignorance or his design. He was a Dutchman, and it is probable that he erred through his ignorance of the French language. Be this as it may, the Virginia House of Burgesses approved Washington’s campaign and accorded him a vote of thanks.
It was ever a matter of mortification to him, however, that Dinwiddie refused to ratify that article of the capitulation regarding the return of the French prisoners, who instead were sent to England. Washington’s Indian allies, the Half King Tanacharison and Queen Allaquippa, were Mingo Iroquois who had migrated to the Ohio country. Their ancestors, a hundred years earlier, had eradicated the Erie Indians after the Eries had tried to kill them. The more civilized and Christianized Iroquois had become allies with the English by the time of the French and Indian War.
Washington himself did not kill or harm the Indian who shot at him and Gist on that first trip west, at a time when many another man would not have thought twice about killing an Indian who had just fired at him. Relations between whites and Indians in Virginia and Pennsylvania had generally been peaceful before the war, and it was only after the Delawares and Shawnees began conducting numerous raids on English and German settlements following the outbreak of hostilities that peaceful coexistence became impossible to restore. It remains unclear whether Washington himself actually killed Jumonville or whether it was someone under his command, but he was informally charged with assassination.
He seems to have been somewhat fortunate to have been allowed to surrender and leave at Fort Necessity, and the attacks and harassment by French and Indians as they left foreshadowed what would happen to the English three years later in New York, where Indians brutally attacked them following what was supposed to be a peaceful surrender at Fort William Henry.
