On August 2, 1867, the smoke came first, curling up from the pine slope above Little Piney Creek in the foothills of the Bighorn Mountains. Then the ridge itself seemed to move. Hundreds of Lakota and Cheyenne warriors poured down the slope, bare to the waist, painted for war, screaming a cry that one witness said sounded like something between a war cry and a song. It did not stop for six hours.

Inside a crude corral of fourteen wagon boxes laid out on open ground were thirty-two men: twenty-six soldiers of the 27th Infantry and six civilians. Two of those civilians were teamsters who had ridden out that morning to hunt deer and instead found themselves in the worst place a white man could be in the Wyoming Territory that summer. Their commander, Captain James Powell, did not give a speech. According to one account, he looked once across the prairie and said only four words: “Men, here they come.
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What followed was not supposed to be possible. Against a force historians would later estimate at anywhere from five hundred to two thousand warriors, led by Red Cloud, Crazy Horse, and the Miniconjou war chief High Backbone, the thirty-two men held their ground through eight separate charges. When it was over, the Lakota carried their dead away as was their custom, so no one would ever settle the exact count. But the deeper question that haunted those who survived was not how many died.
It was what had happened in those wagon boxes that morning, something neither the soldiers nor the warriors had ever seen before. To understand the battle, one must understand what had happened seven months earlier. On December 21, 1866, Captain William Fetterman, who had reportedly boasted that with eighty men he could ride through the entire Sioux Nation, was given exactly eighty men and sent over Lodge Trail Ridge north of Fort Phil Kearny to chase what he thought was a small raiding party. He never came back.
The decoy who lured him was a young warrior named Crazy Horse. The men waiting on the other side were led by Red Cloud. All eighty-one soldiers died in less than forty minutes, the worst defeat the United States Army had ever suffered on the Great Plains. The relief party found the dead frozen in the positions they had fallen, scattered down a slope the soldiers ever after called Massacre Hill.
For the next seven months, the men of Fort Phil Kearny lived under that shadow. The fort had been built the previous summer as part of a chain of three forts protecting the Bozeman Trail, the wagon road running from Fort Laramie to the Montana gold fields. The trail cut directly through the last good buffalo hunting grounds the Lakota and Cheyenne had left. Red Cloud had warned the army not to build it, telling them at the treaty negotiations of 1866 that he would consider any fort on that road an act of war.
The army built the forts anyway. Red Cloud kept his word. By the summer of 1867, war had become a slow, grinding siege. No wagon train moved without an escort.
No soldier rode out alone. Men could not gather firewood or hunt without being shot at. Then something changed. Wagons arrived carrying long wooden crates.
Inside were new Springfield Model 1866 breech-loading rifles, . 50 caliber, with trapdoor actions. A soldier could open the breech, drop in a brass cartridge, snap it shut, and fire eight, ten, even twelve times a minute. The Fetterman command had carried muzzle loaders, able to fire perhaps three rounds a minute while standing upright to load.
The new Springfield could be fired lying flat in the dust behind cover. Red Cloud and his war council had not seen these weapons. In their summer camps along the Tongue River and the Rosebud, they were planning the biggest coordinated attack the Lakota had ever attempted against the United States Army: the destruction of both Fort C. F.
Smith and Fort Phil Kearny. After the Sundance ceremonies of late July, the warriors gathered. Oglala under Red Cloud, Miniconjou under High Backbone, Northern Cheyenne, and a handful of Arapaho. Estimates of their numbers vary widely, from around one thousand by Lakota oral tradition to as many as three thousand by army intelligence.
The war council could not agree on which fort to attack first, so they split. Half rode north toward Fort C. F. Smith and on August 1 attacked soldiers and civilians cutting hay in a meadow three miles from the fort.
The defenders, also armed with the new rifles, held them off in what became known as the Hayfield Fight. The Lakota and Cheyenne withdrew with heavier losses than expected. The southern group, led by Red Cloud, Crazy Horse, and High Backbone, was still moving south that night, unaware of what had happened at the hayfields, unaware of the new weapons. On the morning of August 2, Red Cloud’s force moved toward a flat piece of open ground about five miles northwest of Fort Phil Kearny, where Captain James Powell had set up a woodcutting operation.
Powell, a thirty-nine-year-old career soldier who had fought through the Civil War, had done something the day his command arrived that no one else had thought to do. He ordered his men to remove the wooden boxes from fourteen wagons, rectangular containers about ten feet long, four feet wide, and two and a half feet deep, made of oak planking. The wagons themselves were hauling timber back to the fort, but the boxes were arranged on the ground in a rough oval about seventy feet long and thirty feet wide. Powell had been studying Lakota tactics.
He had noticed they preferred mounted charges in open country and were poorly equipped with firearms, depending mostly on bows and short-range muskets. He remembered something an older officer had told him after Fetterman: Indians with bows cannot overwhelm white men with breech loaders inside a fortification. Around seven in the morning, Powell divided his command. Fourteen men escorted the empty wagons back toward the fort.
Thirteen men guarded the woodcutters in the timber camp a mile to the west. That left Powell, his second in command Lieutenant John C. Jenness, and twenty-six men at the wagon box corral, plus two civilian teamsters who had ridden out from the fort to hunt, seen smoke signals on the ridges, panicked, and ended up at the corral instead. That made thirty-two.
The first warning came from a sergeant on high ground who saw movement in the trees. Within minutes, the wood camp was overrun. Four civilian contractors were killed in those first chaotic minutes. The Lakota paused to take the mules and horses and strip what they could carry.
That brief delay was one of the reasons any soldier inside the wagon boxes lived to tell the story. Inside the corral, Powell moved fast, ordering each man to pick a box, fill the gaps with grain sacks, ox yokes, and barrels, and stay low. They had three thousand cartridges per man stockpiled, a number that seems impossible until one understands Powell had been preparing for this moment for weeks. A teamster named Max Littmann, a German immigrant, later described the first moments.
He said the men did not speak. He said they could hear, before they could see them, the drumming of hooves, like thunder rolling in from the north that did not stop. The first charge was a mounted charge, five hundred warriors riding in tight formation at full gallop. They expected the soldiers to stand, fire, and reload the way soldiers always had, and to ride over the corral and be done by breakfast.
Powell waited until the lead riders were less than a hundred yards out. Then he gave the order. Every man fired, reloaded, and fired again. The sound was a roaring, almost continuous wall of gunfire.
Horses and riders went down. The front of the charge collapsed. The survivors wheeled and rode out of range. The Lakota regrouped and dismounted, working forward on foot through the grass and behind rocks, using snipers.
This was when Lieutenant Jenness was killed. The twenty-eight-year-old from New Hampshire, a Civil War veteran who had left a young wife back east, had been warned repeatedly to stay down. He was standing when a rifle ball struck him in the head. Two privates went down soon after, Henry Haggerty killed instantly and Thomas Boyle killed by a chest wound.
The dead were left where they fell. Through the morning, the Lakota and Cheyenne attempted eight separate organized assaults between roughly seven-thirty and one-thirty in the afternoon. Between assaults, sniper fire was continuous, and arrows rained down in high arcs. Most stuck in the wooden sides of the boxes.
The men fired so fast that rifle barrels grew too hot to touch, and soldiers poured water from their canteens down the barrels between volleys to cool them. The wagon boxes, arranged in an oval, formed a crude amphitheater where every gunshot bounced back. By noon, most of the men were partially deafened, a ringing in their ears that many said never quite went away. Around the middle of the morning came what should have been the decisive blow.
A wedge of perhaps two hundred warriors struck the southwest corner of the corral on foot, coming close enough that soldiers could see the paint on their faces. A few warriors got within five feet of the boxes. One placed his hand on the wood. He may have been about to climb over, and then he was gone.
The wave broke because the soldiers inside were firing so fast that the warriors in the front rank could not survive the time it took to climb over the wood. The survivors fell back, dragging their dead and wounded with lariats tied to ponies. Some bodies they could not retrieve, too close to the corral for anyone to approach. To leave the dead on the field was a terrible thing in Lakota tradition, but the new rifles made it impossible to do otherwise.
By eleven in the morning, the men were exhausted, firing through splintered boxes, dust thick enough to choke a man. They did not know that four miles southeast, on a promontory called Pilot Hill, lookouts had been watching since dawn and had signaled the fort. The commanding officer at Fort Phil Kearny, Colonel John Smith, had to weigh a terrible question. Fetterman had ridden out to relieve a woodcutting detail and been annihilated.
This could have been another trap. He waited almost three hours before ordering Major Benjamin F. Smith to take a relief column of one hundred men, ten wagons, and a mountain howitzer, with orders to move cautiously and fire the cannon at the first sign of an ambush. The men in the wagon boxes did not know anyone was coming.
By eleven-thirty, warriors were gathering on the slopes for what looked like one final massed charge. The soldiers knew they did not have enough cartridges to survive another full assault like the first. Then they heard it. The boom of a single cannon.
Major Smith had brought the howitzer close enough and ordered it unlimbered. The first shell screamed over the prairie and exploded in the open ground between the corral and the warriors on the hillside. It did not kill many. It did not need to.
The Lakota and Cheyenne had never faced exploding artillery in this war. The warriors on the slopes wavered, then began to ride away, not in panic, but with the unmistakable movement of men who had decided the fight was over. When the men inside the corral finally stood up, they did not cheer. The accounts are unanimous on this point.
There was only silence, the kind that follows hours of impossible noise. Some sat down where they had been kneeling and could not stand back up. Some wept quietly without speaking. The official casualty count inside the corral was five killed, including Lieutenant Jenness and the two privates, plus two civilian contractors.
Two soldiers were wounded. Outside, in the running fight at the wood camp, six more men had died. Total American dead: eleven. Captain Powell estimated he had killed sixty warriors and wounded perhaps 120 more.
Other army officers would later put the figure as high as three hundred. Lakota oral history suggests perhaps six warriors were killed and another six wounded. The truth almost certainly lies somewhere between, a reasonable modern estimate of thirty to sixty dead, but no one will ever know for certain. And here is the strangest part of the story.
The Wagon Box Fight did not actually change the outcome of Red Cloud’s War. The Lakota and Cheyenne had been bloodied and shocked, but they had not been beaten. Within weeks they regrouped and returned to the slow strangulation of the Bozeman Trail. In Washington a year later, politicians calculated the cost of defending a road that could not be defended at any reasonable price, and in the spring of 1868 a delegation of generals rode out to meet Red Cloud.
He kept them waiting for months, until he had heard that the soldiers were leaving the forts. In November 1868, Red Cloud, the only Indian chief who would ever force the army to abandon its own forts, signed the Treaty of Fort Laramie. Forts C. F.
Smith and Phil Kearny were stripped and abandoned, and the Lakota burned both to the ground within hours of the army leaving. The trail was closed, and the Powder River country was declared unceded Indian territory. American Horse, who fought as a young warrior at the Wagon Boxes, said later that the fight was the first time he understood that his people could not win a long war against an enemy whose weapons kept changing. Crazy Horse drew a different conclusion.
He had seen the army humiliated at the Fetterman fight. Now he had seen the army endure. Nine years later, on a hot June day along a river the Lakota called the Greasy Grass, he waited for a colonel named George Armstrong Custer. The Wagon Box Fight had taught him that the army’s strength lay in fortifications and firepower, and its weakness lay in the open, where its weapons could not save it.
He waited nine years, and then he found the army in exactly the place he had been waiting for. Captain Powell was promoted to major and served on for years, but he never spoke publicly about that morning. He died in 1873 of natural causes, far from the battlefield where his name had been made. Lieutenant Jenness was buried at Fort Phil Kearny, and when the fort was abandoned a year later, his remains were moved to the Custer National Cemetery, where they remain.
His young wife never remarried and kept his letters for the rest of her life, asking on her deathbed that they be buried with her. Years later, an old Lakota man named Fire Thunder, who had been at the Wagon Boxes as a young warrior, was asked what he remembered of the battle. He thought for a long while. Then he said: “We were brave that day.
The white men were brave, too. We did not understand the new guns. Many of our people fell, but the truth is we knew, all of us knew, that even if we had killed every soldier in the wagon boxes, more would come. They would keep coming.
They would always keep coming. And after a while, we knew this was the last good fight we would have. ”